The Theater of “Elections” in Julani’s Syria

A Leader Chooses His People – Julani’s ultimate political innovation

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Once upon a time — and I promise this isn’t a fairy tale — Syrians were told they were on the cusp of a grand democratic experiment. For over a decade, western politicians and their loyal press chorused the same refrain: “Support the people’s democratic movement, topple Assad, and democracy will bloom in Damascus like jasmine in the spring.” What they left out was that this so-called “democracy” would one day be led by none other than Abu Mohammad al-Julani, a man whose résumé makes Bin Laden look like a Sunday school teacher.

Fast forward to October 2025. Jolani, the self-anointed president of “New Syria” — or should we say the CIA/MI6’s favorite audition tape — staged what his media handlers breathlessly called “elections” for a brand-new People’s Assembly. If you’re picturing ballot boxes, long lines of hopeful citizens, and ink-stained fingers raised proudly in the air, you’re in the wrong theater. This production had no audience, no suspense, and certainly no people. It was the kind of play where the director already wrote the ending and handpicked the cast months ago.

The math itself gives away the joke. The Assembly boasts 210 seats, but only 140 are technically “up for grabs.” The other 70 are Jolani’s personal gift basket — reserved for loyalists, cronies, and whoever else he needs to keep this house of cards standing. Imagine a poker game where the dealer not only shuffles the deck but also decides half the winners before the cards hit the table. That’s “electoral reform” in Julani’s Wonderland.

Now, let’s follow the plot as described by critics. It begins with Julani himself appointing an “Electoral High Commission.” This noble body then forms little subcommittees — three handpicked folks per province — who, in turn, select members of an Electoral College. Sounds familiar? Yes, like the U.S. system, except here there’s no messy campaigning, no debates, and absolutely no participation from the general public. If you’re not in the inner circle, you don’t vote, you don’t run, and you don’t matter. Congratulations, democracy achieved!

But even this charade has its limits. Entire regions — Suwayda in the south, home to the Syrian Druze, and the East Euphrates, home to Syrian Kurds and Arabs — were simply crossed off the guest list. Julani explained the snub by pointing to “ongoing conflict” in those areas. How convenient. Because the areas controlled by Julani are beacons of stability. Right?

Of course, Syrian state media dutifully rolled out its thesaurus of propaganda: “elections,” “participation,” “legitimacy.” But scratch the surface and you’ll find only stage props — committees appointing committees, smoke and mirrors leading to the same predetermined outcome. It’s a pantomime designed not to empower Syrians but to entrench divisions, all under the guise of constitutional order. The so-called People’s Assembly is less a parliament and more a rubber stamp, ready to bless Julani’s decrees with the illusion of consensus.

In the end, Julani’s elections are neither democratic nor Syrian. They are the political equivalent of a counterfeit brand — a knockoff parliament assembled in Idlib’s backroom bazaars, sold to the world as the genuine article. But Syrians know better. They know when the ballot box is empty and the parliament is a puppet show.

So next time you hear breathless reports about “New Syria’s democratic process,” remember: this isn’t a story of people choosing their leaders. It’s the story of a leader choosing his people. And in this theater, the tickets are free, but the audience never shows up.

—Kevork Almassian is a Syrian geopolitical analyst and the founder of Syriana Analysis.